Taking its cue from the question Samuel Huntington posed in Who Are We?, this chapter examines the meanings carried by the pronoun “we” in the public narratives and symbolic evocations through which collective identities are produced. After revisiting the debate between ethno-symbolist and constructivist accounts of the nation, it distinguishes two identity strategies. The enunciated we explicitly marks boundaries held to be non-negotiable. The allusive we relies instead on identity contents that are tacit and taken for granted. Read through Austin’s theory of speech acts, allusion proves performative. It reifies the we and conjures the appearance of a shared identity heritage. Reinforced by in-group bias, collective rituals and an equally allusive enemy, it obscures the heterogeneity of the collectivity it invokes. The chapter then advances the hypothesis that the allusive we conceals an unspoken claim to privilege. It introduces the concept of weism to designate the ideological device that couples the primacy of the we with an entitlement deemed legitimate. Populist actors amplify this device, which bears close affinities with the politics of resentment. Its underlying assumptions are the purging of alterity, the integrity of identity and its fixity. These are shown to obstruct reciprocal recognition, and they also expose the limits of Honneth’s normatively monist model. That model cannot account for the coexistence of reciprocal, unilateral and denied recognition. The chapter concludes by distinguishing the symbolic macro-dimension of belonging from the inhabitable micro-worlds in which social bonds are actually experienced. There, latent fragments of identity may either cohabit or collide.
Prendendo spunto dall’interrogativo sollevato da Samuel Huntington in Who Are We?, il capitolo esamina i significati attribuibili al noi nelle narrazioni pubbliche e nelle evocazioni simboliche attraverso cui si producono le identità collettive. Dopo aver richiamato il dibattito tra le interpretazioni etno-simboliste e quelle costruttiviste della nazione, il saggio distingue due strategie identitarie. Il noi enunciato marca in modo esplicito confini considerati non negoziabili. Il noi alluso fa invece affidamento su contenuti identitari tacitamente dati per scontati. Letta alla luce della teoria degli atti linguistici di Austin, l’allusione si rivela performativa: reifica il noi e alimenta la parvenza di un patrimonio identitario condiviso. Rafforzata dall’in-group bias, dai rituali collettivi e da un nemico a sua volta alluso, essa occulta l’eterogeneità della collettività evocata. Il capitolo avanza quindi l’ipotesi che il noi alluso sottenda la pretesa di un privilegio non esplicitato. Introduce il concetto di weism per indicare il dispositivo ideologico che coniuga la primazia del noi con l’affermazione di un privilegio ritenuto legittimo. Gli attori populisti amplificano questo dispositivo, che presenta significativi nessi con le politiche del risentimento. I suoi assunti sono l’epurazione dell’alterità, l’integrità e la fissità dell’identità. Essi si configurano come ostacoli al riconoscimento reciproco e mettono in luce i limiti del modello normativamente monista di Honneth. Quel modello non riesce a dar conto della coesistenza tra riconoscimento reciproco, riconoscimento unilaterale e misconoscimento. Il capitolo si conclude distinguendo la macro-dimensione simbolica dell’appartenenza dai micro-mondi abitabili in cui i legami sociali vengono effettivamente esperiti. Qui pulviscoli identitari latenti possono tanto coabitare quanto confliggere.
Noi chi? L’evocazione dei legami sociali tra retorica identitaria e dinamiche del riconoscimento
De Rose Carlo
2026-01-01
Abstract
Taking its cue from the question Samuel Huntington posed in Who Are We?, this chapter examines the meanings carried by the pronoun “we” in the public narratives and symbolic evocations through which collective identities are produced. After revisiting the debate between ethno-symbolist and constructivist accounts of the nation, it distinguishes two identity strategies. The enunciated we explicitly marks boundaries held to be non-negotiable. The allusive we relies instead on identity contents that are tacit and taken for granted. Read through Austin’s theory of speech acts, allusion proves performative. It reifies the we and conjures the appearance of a shared identity heritage. Reinforced by in-group bias, collective rituals and an equally allusive enemy, it obscures the heterogeneity of the collectivity it invokes. The chapter then advances the hypothesis that the allusive we conceals an unspoken claim to privilege. It introduces the concept of weism to designate the ideological device that couples the primacy of the we with an entitlement deemed legitimate. Populist actors amplify this device, which bears close affinities with the politics of resentment. Its underlying assumptions are the purging of alterity, the integrity of identity and its fixity. These are shown to obstruct reciprocal recognition, and they also expose the limits of Honneth’s normatively monist model. That model cannot account for the coexistence of reciprocal, unilateral and denied recognition. The chapter concludes by distinguishing the symbolic macro-dimension of belonging from the inhabitable micro-worlds in which social bonds are actually experienced. There, latent fragments of identity may either cohabit or collide.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.


